Syrian Druze: Navigating Autonomy Amidst Rising Israeli Threats

Syrian Druze: Navigating Autonomy Amidst Rising Israeli Threats

Recent statements by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu concerning southern Syria highlight an explicit Israeli aim to cultivate a loyal Syrian Druze ally. This strategy is crucial for maintaining the support of the Palestinian Druze, who play a vital role in the Israeli border forces. The Palestinian Druze, who hold nominal “Israeli” citizenship, are led by Sheikh Muwaffaq Tarif, a prominent Druze spiritual leader aligned with Israeli interests.

In recent years, Sheikh Tarif has become a significant figure in advancing the Israeli agenda, establishing far-reaching connections with several Arab nations, particularly those along the southern shores of the Persian Gulf.

In 2022, Lebanese security forces apprehended Bishop Moussa al-Hajj, the representative of the Maronite Patriarchate in Lebanon and all of Antioch in Jerusalem. He was caught transferring funds from the Israeli occupation entity to Lebanon. It later emerged that the bishop was sending money to families of Lebanese collaborators fleeing to the occupied Palestinian territories. He also admitted to transferring additional funds from Sheikh Tarif to Druze clerics in Lebanon to persuade them to separate from the Syrian state under the protection of Israel.

This initiative aimed to undermine the resistance movement that had gained traction among the Druze community, which was led by Samir al-Kuntar until his assassination by Israel on December 19, 2015, in Quneitra, close to the occupied Syrian Golan. The community had received support from Hezbollah during Kuntar’s leadership.

Historically, from 1925 to 1927, during the French occupation of the Levant, the Druze were offered self-rule. However, they resisted vehemently and played a crucial role in achieving independence in 1947 under the leadership of Sultan Pasha al-Atrash, a well-known Druze figure.

Following the 1967 war, the Israeli occupation entity exerted significant efforts to incite the Druze against the Syrian state. This insurrection was seen as a betrayal of Arab unity, as expressed by Israeli labor minister Yigal Allon in a letter to then-Prime Minister Levi Eshkol.

Today, the Druze community is once again faced with a critical decision amidst the disintegration of the Syrian state. The majority of the Druze population resides in the Sweida Governorate. Since President Bashar al-Assad’s government began to falter, the Israeli occupation has increasingly infiltrated southern Syria under the guise of supporting the Druze.

This week, the Jaramana neighborhood near Damascus erupted in violent clashes between Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and Druze factions, resulting in one death and nine injuries. Approximately 18 months before Assad’s government fell, the Druze of Sweida protested, voicing slogans for freedom. However, they have faced systematic marginalization by Abu Mohammad al-Julani, the self-proclaimed president of Syria’s transitional government.

The Druze have since refused to allow HTS forces to enter their territories without constitutional guarantees, as demonstrated during the recent events in Jaramana. They are demanding complete autonomy, as their semi-secular values clash with those of HTS.

Tel Aviv and Washington are particularly concerned about preventing the emergence of a Druze bloc that embraces the resistance ideology championed by martyr al-Kuntar. They are also apprehensive that Jordan might open a Druze border crossing in Sweida, which could serve as a significant economic conduit for both Syrian and Jordanian Druze populations, concentrated in the Azraq region near the Syrian border. However, Jordan’s stance remains uncertain, as Israeli pressure could hinder this initiative.

Observers familiar with Druze concerns recognize why Lebanese Druze leader Walid Jumblatt quickly sought a meeting with al-Julani following the fall of the Assad government. Jumblatt has consistently warned of the threat posed by Israeli expansion. In conversations with King Abdullah II of Jordan, he received candid remarks indicating that the occupation entity’s post-war objective was to establish a Druze state stretching from the Chouf coast in Lebanon through Wadi al-Taym to Jabal al-Arab in Sweida.

Jumblatt’s fears have become increasingly plausible, especially after the events in Jaramana and the rise of factions advocating for self-administration akin to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). These factions include:

  • Men of Dignity: Led by Laith al-Balous, this faction focuses on defending the Druze community while distancing itself from the al-Julani government.
  • Sweida Military Council: Commanded by Tariq al-Shafi, it comprises approximately 900 officers and soldiers from the former Syrian army.
  • Maher Sharaf al-Din faction: Although it initially received support from some Arab nations, it lost credibility due to its close ties with the al-Julani government.

Months before the official announcement of the military council, representatives from the SDF visited Sweida and met with the Sheikh Akl of the Druze Unitarian community, Hikmat al-Hijri. According to the council’s statement, both parties emphasized the importance of transferring weapons to the state, represented by legal authorities, following the formation of a comprehensive transitional government and an end to hostilities across the nation.

Undoubtedly, Israel plays a pivotal role in fostering such factions as part of its strategy to encourage secession and federalism. Jumblatt is convinced that any move by the Druze to separate from the Syrian state would have far-reaching consequences, not just for Lebanon but for the entire region.

Reportedly, Jumblatt recently held an extensive Zoom meeting with prominent Druze clerics, where he sensed a consensus among them to oppose the Zionist project. He also convened a broader assembly of the Religious Council of the Druze Unitarians in Beirut, presided over by Sheikh of the Mind Sami Abi al-Mona, with the attendance of several influential figures.

During these discussions, Jumblatt cautioned that “the project is extensive and aims to draw some weak-willed individuals into civil wars. The outcome is uncertain.” Sheikh Abi Al-Mona echoed this sentiment, asserting that the protection of the Druze cannot be entrusted to “an enemy who seeks to exploit them for various purposes, making them border guards or paid workers, detached from their identity, heritage, and the reality of their belonging.” He urged Druze leaders to unite in support of their community, emphasizing the importance of preserving their authentic Arab identity, which has been shaped by their historic struggles and sacrifices.

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